Program for Somalia

DirectDemocracyS, abbreviated as DDS, is a global political movement, not bound by borders, clans, religions, or specific political parties. DDS consists of a system of direct democracy, based on three inalienable foundations: shared leadership, collective non-transferable ownership, and the equal right of all formal members to determine the future of their community and country.

DDS does not discriminate based on nationality, color, tribe, religious affiliation, or educational level. Rather than building power around individual leaders or a small group of wealthy individuals, DDS believes that truth, science, careful study, common sense, and genuine community engagement are the only foundations for building a sustainable, true political system that serves all of humanity — Somalia and its Somali people in particular.

One of the great challenges that humanity has faced for centuries is that political and economic-administrative systems consistently work to benefit a small group of people, rather than the general public. DDS represents a different solution, one that is not based on individual desires, but is based on a technical and administrative system that can be verified, verified, and made known to the entire society.

1.2 Fundamental Principles That Cannot Be Revised

All of DDS's work in any country — including Somalia — is based on five fundamental, non-negotiable principles, which are:

Common sense — all decisions should be based on logic, and no member can be forced to believe something irrational.
Reality — any analysis is based on actual, real-world conditions, as opposed to unrealistic statements or promises.
Truth — any information conveyed to society must be truthful, and not designed to deceive or manipulate public sentiment.
Competence and study — educational, economic, and social decisions are made by expert groups, using real science, which is shared with the public in a simple way.
Mutual respect — every person, every tribe, every religion, every gender, and every identity will be respected, without judging anyone because of their political views, tribe, or social status.

The main principle of the DDS that applies to Somalia in particular is this: the wealth and resources of the country — land, water, fisheries, agriculture, livestock, minerals, and the general economy — and the power to determine the future of the country, must always, and never be changed, remain in the hands of the Somali people alone. No document, international agreement, debt, or regional or foreign power shall be allowed to take the wealth of the nation away from the hands of the people, or to separate the decisions about the future of the country from the people. This is a law that the DDS applies to every country in the world, with no exception to Somalia.

“The wealth of the country and the decision of its future must always remain in the hands of the people alone.” — Fundamental Principle of the DDS

1.3 Why Somalia Needs a DDS

Somalia is a country with a rich economic, cultural, and religious history, and a people who have shown great courage and resilience, despite enduring more than thirteen years of conflict, famine, and the collapse of state institutions. Currently, Somalia faces a political and constitutional conflict, a central divide between the Federal Government and the federal states, a security struggle fueled by Al-Shabaab, and a severe humanitarian crisis caused by drought and famine. The detailed analysis in Part 2 provides a realistic account of the various situations.

Despite attempts at political compromises, clan-based elections, or international assistance, it is clear that the Somali people — especially the youth, women, refugee families, and disenfranchised communities — still lack the means to directly, consistently, and decisively determine their own future. The goal of the DDS is not to immediately change the existing system of government, nor is it to engage in power struggles between existing political groups. The goal is to build, without violence, without coercion, and quickly, a system of direct democracy that starts at the grassroots level, and is equally open to all Somalis — whether they reside in Mogadishu, Puntland, Jubbaland, Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Southwest, Somaliland, or the diaspora.

1.4 Analytical Methodology of this Document

This document is divided into five main sections. Section 2 provides a detailed analysis of the current situation in Somalia — political, security, economic, financial, and humanitarian — based on verified data from 2025 and 2026. Section 3 describes in detail the DDS system: micro-groups, joint ownership, shared leadership, the expert score system, the three-digit identification system, ddsAI, allddsAI, ponti umani (human bridges), GUMI-SV, and NTCO. Section 4 provides a political, economic, financial, and social program specific to Somalia, with concrete examples and expected outcomes. Section 5 presents a timeline for implementation and conclusion.

PART 2 — ANALYSIS OF THE ACTUAL SITUATION IN SOMALIA

This section carefully, without being disheartening or exhaustive, analyzes the real situation in Somalia as it stands in 2026, through its political, security, economic, financial, and humanitarian contexts. DDS believes that solutions can only emerge from a true analysis — not one that adds to existing political dynamics, nor one that judges individuals, but one that analyzes systems and conditions.

2.1 Political and Governance Situation

Somalia is a Federal Republic, consisting of a Federal Government (FGS) and five Federal States: Puntland, Jubbaland, Galmudug, Hirshabelle, and South West State, and the Banadir Region (Mogadishu). Since 1969, Somalia has not held direct elections known as 'one person, one vote'; instead, since 2000, elections have been held through an indirect clan-based system, in which presidents and parliamentarians are elected by small committees of clan elders.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, elected in 2022, has made a sustained effort to replace this indirect system with a direct ‘one-person, one-vote’ system. While this goal, from a common sense perspective, is a sound guide that is consistent with the principles of true democracy, the process, when analyzed realistically, is fraught with serious problems. In March 2026, Parliament passed, and the President signed, a constitutional amendment extending the terms of Parliament and the Presidency from four years to five years, postponing elections until 2027. Opposition groups, including the Somali Future Council, have described this as a ‘constitutional coup’. As of 16 April 2026, the four-year term of Parliament expired without a meaningful plan for the transfer of power; The President's term ends on May 15, 2026, with him remaining in office.

This constitutional crisis has further strained relations between the Federal Government and the federal states, particularly Puntland and Jubbaland, which have rejected constitutional amendments, ending the recognition of some federal institutions. A serious incident resulting from this standoff was when the Federal Government attempted to return the National Army to the President of Jubbaland, Ahmed Madobe, who was defeated in a quick battle and the troops retreated. The President also leads a new party called the ‘Justice and Solidarity Party’ (JSP), which is supported by three federal states (South West, Hirshabelle, Galmudug), while Puntland and Jubbaland have described it as unconstitutional and a self-created entity. All of this shows that the current system is facilitating division, rather than serving national unity.

Similarly, corruption and clan-based systems of governance — the federal government, the federal states, and even Somaliland — remain major obstacles to the public’s access to honest government services. Political divisions, clan infighting, and conflicting visions of power-sharing continue to complicate Somalia’s path forward.

2.2 Security Situation

Although Somalia has long struggled to contain Al-Shabaab, with the Somali National Army (SNA) and international forces fighting against it, the threat remains significant. A major Al-Shabaab offensive in 2025 pushed back territory previously captured by the Federal Government, leaving the group with the ability to even attack Mogadishu. At the same time, ISIS-Somalia maintains a base in eastern Puntland, posing a threat to both Somali and African security.

The international peacekeeping force in Somalia, previously known as AMISOM (2007–2022), and then ATMIS (2022–2024), was renamed AUSSOM (African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia) on 1 January 2025. Although AUSSOM is participating in the campaign against Al-Shabaab, it faces serious funding problems; the UN Security Council has not approved the proposed cost-sharing between the UN (75 percent) and the African Union (25 percent), leaving AUSSOM dependent on unconfirmed and ineffective commitments. AUSSOM’s troop strength has been reduced (to around 12,000, compared to AMISOM’s peak of 22,000), while some countries calling for troops are demanding an increase of 8,000 men.

The political divisions between the Federal Government, the federal governments, and the opposition directly disrupt security coordination among the various parties, which Al-Shabaab can exploit. Similarly, the arming of clan militias, strengthened in the fight against Al-Shabaab, has led to deadly clan clashes in central and southern Somalia. Maritime threats in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean, caused by Houthi groups and Somali pirates, are also further slowing down maritime trade, which is on the brink of a major global waterway.

2.3 Economic and Financial Situation

Somalia’s economy remains small and fragile, despite showing significant growth in recent years. Total GDP (as of 2026) is estimated at $13.9 billion, while per capita GDP is estimated at $798 — one of the lowest in the world. Economic growth, which was estimated at 4% in 2023–2024, has slowed to 3% in 2025, due to a decline in international aid (particularly cuts to USAID), drought, and the high cost of living. The World Bank projects growth to slow to 2.8% in 2026, with inflation rising to 6%, further straining food, electricity, and transportation.

The biggest driver of Somalia’s economy is not government spending, but rather the remittances that Somali families living abroad send home — an estimated $2 billion annually, or 25 percent of GDP, through remittance and mobile payment systems. This shows that the national economy is increasingly dependent on the strength of individual citizens, rather than on sustainable economic development and national sovereignty. On the other hand, the national budget has been heavily dependent on exports — particularly livestock, agriculture (such as bananas), maize, fish, coal, and scrap metal — which reached $1.1 billion in 2024, while imports reached $9 billion, representing a significant trade deficit.

In 2023, Somalia reached the ‘Completion Point’ of the HIPC (Heavily Indebted Poor Countries) program, which forgave a significant portion of Somalia’s debt. This is significant progress, but it still requires real change through revenue management, tax collection, and the honest use of resources. The informal economy still employs more than 90 percent of the workforce, while youth unemployment is very high. Agriculture and pastoralism still account for 40 percent of GDP, but recurrent droughts continue to devastate the lives of rural people.

2.4 Social and Humanitarian Situation

Somalia is currently facing one of the world’s most severe hunger situations. Four consecutive seasons of poor rainfall (La Niña), coupled with conflict and political division, have left 6.5 million people—about one in three Somalis—facing acute hunger (IPC Phase 3 or higher), with 2 million in emergency (IPC Phase 4). Crops and livestock have suffered significant losses; this year’s harvest is the worst in 30 years.

Of children under five, 1.85 million are at risk of severe malnutrition, including 430,000 who are severely malnourished. Nearly 4.8 million people, including 3 million children, will need urgent assistance by 2026. Equally worrisome, international aid has declined — food aid reaching people has fallen from 1.1 million (August 2025) to 350,000 (November 2025), while more than 200 health and nutrition facilities have closed due to lack of funding. Diseases such as cholera and measles are resurging, while the health system is extremely weak and at risk of collapse.

More than 3.3 million people have been displaced within Somalia, putting significant pressure on the resources of host communities. Education is directly affected: more than 1,100 children have dropped out of school in Gedo region, while almost half of families in Galgaduud region have taken their children out of school to search for food and move. Gender inequality is further exacerbated when families face hardship: women bear the brunt of the burden of society during disasters.

All of these figures are new, taken from United Nations Agencies (UNICEF, WFP, OCHA), the World Bank, and international humanitarian organizations for 2025–2026.

2.5 Somaliland, Puntland, and the Question of Federal Unity

Somaliland, which declared its independence in 1991, has so far maintained a stable democratic system, with verified elections, although it is not officially recognized internationally. However, it also faces challenges similar to those in the rest of Somalia: corruption, the power of private business groups, and clan-based systems of governance. In 2024, a port agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland led to diplomatic tensions with the Federal Government, while in December 2025, Israel’s decision to recognize Somaliland further heightened those tensions, prompting condemnation from Somalia, the region, and the African Union.

Puntland, a federal state, has made progress in terms of district elections based on ‘one-person, one-vote’, hoping that this will serve as a basis for the transition to regional parliamentary and presidential elections. However, both Puntland and Jubbaland reject the federal constitutional amendments and the 2026 elections, seeing them as measures designed to strengthen the power of the federal President.

The DDS does not, and will not, engage in a political debate about whether Somaliland should be recognized as an independent state or as part of Somalia, nor does it take sides in the dispute between the Federal Government and the federal states. This is a decision that belongs solely to the people of those regions, and they have the right to decide peacefully, democratically, and without violence. What the DDS offers is a common framework, which can be applied equally to all Somalis — whether in Mogadishu, Hargeisa, Garowe, Kismayo, Baidoa, or wherever Somalis live in the world — without the need to wait for a political decision to be made by other parties.

2.6 Reasons for the Failure of Previous Attempts

When we look back at 35 years of efforts — governance operations, clan-based elections, international forces, humanitarian assistance, and development programs — we see that the challenges faced are constantly recurring. This is not because the Somali people are powerless, nor is it because they lack examples — Somalis have shown perseverance, entrepreneurial creativity, and persistent effort. The reason lies in the structure of the systems used:

Centralized power — major decisions are made by small groups in Mogadishu or internationally, while the lower population has no permanent right to govern their own affairs.
Indirect clan-based elections — which keep power tied to clan elders and small committees, rather than being a direct right for everyone.
Dependence on international aid — the nation is largely dependent on foreign aid, making national decisions less than fully independent, and the shortage of such aid (as seen in 2025–2026) directly affects humanitarian aid.
Corruption and unaccountable governance — national assets and revenues not being managed honestly, and information not being easily accessible to the public.
The breakdown of trust — due to civil wars, clan conflicts, and repeated political conflicts, the public has lost confidence that official institutions are truly working in their best interests.

DDS is not saying that past solutions are bad or that the people who worked on them did not want good. It is saying that the structure used — one that is limited in power, one that does not directly involve the public — can never produce a truly democratic, lasting, and people-owned system. The solution, as DDS sees it, is not to wait for top-down systems to change; it is to start, right now, a system that starts from the bottom — in society — and gradually expands, and does not require the approval of specific political groups.

PART 3 — DDS SYSTEM: DETAILED STRUCTURE

This section describes, one by one, all the components of the DDS system. This framework, which is applied equally to every country where DDS operates, is a simple, fast-track tool for Somalia, which does not require waiting for constitutional amendments, elections, or government approval to get started. It starts from the bottom, within the community, and gradually expands in scope.

3.1 Micro-Groups — Fractal Structure

The lowest level of the DDS system is the ‘micro-group’, consisting of 1 to 5 formal members. These small groups connect in a fractal fashion — meaning that a five-member group can be the basis for a 25-member group, which can then be expanded to a 125-member group, up to 625, and so on, with no upper limit. This structure allows the system to work equally well with small populations (such as a small village in Hiran region) and large populations (such as the entire city of Mogadishu or Somalis living in the diaspora).

The main advantage of small groups is that each member is directly, consistently, promptly, and honestly involved in the decisions of his or her group. There is no unverifiable proxy making decisions on behalf of the members; instead, every decision results from direct discussion within the small group. This quickly allows Somalia—every region, every city, even every neighborhood in Mogadishu, every diaspora community—to embark on a process of direct democracy, without having to wait for government approval or national elections.

Small groups in Somalia can uniquely adapt to the existing structures of Somali society — clans, communities, and regions — without necessarily eliminating or suppressing old practices. Instead, small groups provide a new, complementary, and applicable framework for determining social, economic, and developmental issues — one that is not based solely on clan power, but on the equal rights of everyone.

3.2 Non-Transferable Joint Ownership (NTCO)

NTCO — Non-Transferable Collective Ownership — is the basic economic principle of DDS. Each official member of DDS owns one share, which cannot be sold, inherited, traded on the stock market, or transferred to another person. This share represents a permanent right to participate in the decisions and benefits of the community's activities, and does not become personal property to be managed.

In Somalia, the NTCO principle is a solution to one of the fundamental problems: that national wealth—livestock, agriculture, fisheries, minerals, remittances, and international aid—flows easily into the hands of a few political or business groups, while the general public receives no sustained benefit. The economic activities that could be established in Somalia—farmer organizations, fishing groups, microfinance assistance, small industries—would be built on NTCO shares, which would economically ensure that the benefits always remain with the community that created them, and could not become assets that could be bought or taken away.

The NTCO principle is not just an economic system—it is the fulfillment of the fundamental principle of the DDS: the nation's wealth should belong to the nation alone, forever.

3.3 Shared Leadership

DDS is not based on a single leader, nor does it establish a system in which one person or group rules for an extended period of time. Instead, leadership is shared, and is continuously elected, replaced, and accountable to the community at large. This is in stark contrast to current Somali systems, which have seen anyone who comes to power try to extend their term in office — such as the 2026 constitutional amendment.

Within small DDS groups, leadership is shared, with the effort and determination of all members, rather than a single decision-maker. As groups grow larger (5 to 25, 25 to 125, and so on), the representatives chosen to represent higher levels are consistently accountable to their original group, and do not have unbridled, independent power.

3.4 Ability and Skill Based Points System

To ensure that key decisions are made by people with knowledge, experience, and skill—rather than just those with a lot of talk or political clout—DDS uses a points system based on verifiable performance: regular participation, publications, demonstrated expertise, and contributions to the community. These points are not power that can be bought or inherited; they are a verifiable snapshot of a member’s performance, and they influence types of incentives (such as the selection of senior group representatives).

This approach is crucial for Somalia: it gives everyone — a rural woman, an unemployed youth, an internal refugee, or an expert living abroad — the opportunity to gain power and respect based on his/her actual achievements, not based on clan, gender, or political affiliation.

3.5 Three-Digit Identification System — Verified, Confidential Identification

One of DDS's unique innovations is its three-code identity system, which allows each member to verify their identity — preventing social sharing and multiple voting — without their REAL IDENTITY being tied to what that member writes, engages in, or expresses on the DDS platform. This is in contrast to other online governance systems around the world, which often tie full identification to the actions taken.

In Somalia, where information is often used to suppress, intimidate, or thwart voting and public participation — especially by the opposition, women, and minority groups — this system provides additional personal security. A member can feel confident in expressing their true opinions, participating in their group’s decision-making, and suggesting ideas, without fear of reprisal, social harm, or security risk, while at the same time the system ensures that the member is actually a real person, and is not voting twice.

3.6 ddsAI — Data-centric Information Device

ddsAI is an artificial intelligence (AI) tool built by DDS to provide members and groups with truthful, unbiased information that is not biased towards any particular political group, business, or government. Instead of people relying on media outlets that are often biased, politicized, or controlled (such as the various media outlets reporting on Somalia during political crises), ddsAI provides members with verifiable facts, data, and analysis, released to all members equally.

For example, when there are discussions about constitutional amendments, elections, or regional agreements — ddsAI will provide members of small groups with verified facts (information from the same international sources, diverse perspectives presented in a neutral manner), rather than relying on just one media source tied to a political party.

3.7 allddsAI — AI Democracy

allddsAI is another unique innovation of DDS: a system in which AI (artificial intelligence) entities are considered, and given, the same rights and responsibilities as other official members. This approach is not one of state control, but rather a mechanism for managing the partnership between humans and AI, ensuring that AI technology works for humans, rather than for small, specialized groups to exploit.

In Somalia, where young children are quickly learning and using mobile technology (such as advanced mobile payments like EVC Plus), allddsAI can provide a simple, modern way to ensure that modern technology serves society—without the fear of AI becoming a tool for domination, control, or deception.

3.8 Ponti Umani — Human Bridges

‘Ponti Umani’ (Italian for ‘human bridges’) are identified individuals who act as partners between AI (ddsAI and allddsAI) and diverse communities around the world. These bridges ensure that DDS technology is applied in a precise, culturally appropriate, and linguistically understandable manner in each region — such as Somalia — by selectively mapping the culture, the Somali language, and the specific circumstances of the country.

The role of human bridges in Somalia will be crucial: to ensure that the DDS, when presented to Somali communities, is appropriate to Somali culture, Islam, clan structure, and language, and does not fit an outsider who does not understand the unique circumstances of Somalia.

3.9 GUMI-SV and NTCO — Global Common Framework

GUMI-SV is a global, global program that connects all small groups around the world — including Somalia — into a single, unified framework, sharing information, expertise, and resources. This means that small groups in Somalia do not work in isolation, but are part of a global network, which provides additional strength, ensures common ground, and allows for the sharing of successful experiences from other countries — for example, successful economic solutions in other countries facing similar challenges (such as drought, refugees, or the collapse of regional governments).

The NTCO, as explained in 3.2, is the general financial provision that links the collective ownership of each region and adheres to one universal principle: the property must always be that created by the community, and cannot be traded, held in another's hands, or controlled by anyone other than the members.

3.10 How This Framework Works at All Levels — Overview

The table below briefly summarizes how the different components of the DDS system work together in Somalia:

System Section	The role it plays in Somalia
Small Groups (1→5→25→125→625)	A grassroots initiative that begins in a neighborhood, village, community, or tribe—without the need for government approval.
NTCO	Ensuring that community assets (agriculture, fishing, microfinance) always remain with the group that created them.
Shared Leadership	Preventing one person or small group from continuing to rule as seen in national politics.
Points System	Providing representation and respect based on performance, not clan or relationship.
Identifying the Three Numbers	Protecting members (women, youth, opposition) when they participate without fear.
ddsAI	True, neutral information, protected from political media manipulation.
allddsAI	An AI administration built for humans, suitable for the technological advancements of Somalia.
Ponti Umani	The appropriateness of Somali culture, religion, and language in DDS activities.
GUMI-SV	Connecting Somalia to the global DDS network, sharing experience with other countries.

PART 4 — DDS DETAILED PROGRAM IN SOMALIA

This section provides a detailed, realistic program, with concrete examples and expected outcomes, on how the DDS system — described in Section 3 — can be applied to six fundamental areas: politics, security, economics, finance, society, and the question of federal unity.

4.1 Politics and Governance Program

The goal is not to change the national constitution or to take sides in the conflict between the FGS and the federal governments. The goal is to build, right now, a system of direct democracy that works from the ground up — wherever Somalis live — without the need for national elections, parliamentary approval, or political agreement.

Steps to complete:

Starting small groups (1–5 members) in neighborhoods of Mogadishu, cities of Puntland, Jubbaland, Galmudug, Hirshabelle, Southwest, Somaliland, and Somali communities in the diaspora (Kenya, Ethiopia, Yemen, Turkey, Europe, North America).
Using a points system to select representatives from the upper echelons, with particular emphasis on ensuring that women, youth, internally displaced persons, and small clans participate equally — which is not directly excluded from the existing clan-based system.
Using ddsAI to provide members of all sides of political debates (constitutional crisis, 2026 amendments, Jubbaland conflict) with verified and unbiased information, protecting against media manipulation.

Real example:

Consider a small group of 5 members living in a neighborhood in Boondheere district, Mogadishu. This group can use the DDS system to directly decide, for example, how to manage local assistance (food, water, emergency medical care), without having to wait for a decision from the government headquarters. When this group connects with 4 other similar groups (for a total of 25 members), it can create a larger collective work for the entire neighborhood.

Expected results:

Youth and women will have a direct opportunity to participate in determining their local affairs, without having to wait for national elections or constitutional amendments.
Reducing public distrust of formal institutions by creating a two-tiered structure that is directly controlled by the community.
Preparing the groundwork for democracy, which, if the national constitution ever needs to be amended, will provide Somali society with a continuous experience of direct democracy, rather than just elections held every four years.

4.2 Security and Peace Program — Non-Violent Approach

DDS is not, and will not be, a military organization, and does not engage in armed conflict. Scientific analysis of radicalization shows that Al-Shabaab often exploits poverty, unemployment, weak state institutions, and a sense of disenfranchisement among the population. Therefore, DDS’s security program focuses on two pillars: strengthening socio-economic security, and protecting information.

Steps to complete:

Creating sustainable employment and economic opportunities for youth in at-risk regions (such as Hiran, Galgaduud, Lower Shabelle), through microfinance and agricultural small groups, to reduce the economic reasons that force people to join extremist groups.
Using ddsAI to provide the public with accurate information that counters the spread of disinformation by Al-Shabaab, without using it for military recruitment purposes.
Building moderate trust between different clans, through small groups that are mixed from different clans, to reduce clan conflicts that arise from the arming of militias.
Support for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and host communities, through NTCO-based asset distribution, to reduce resource conflicts caused by displacement.

Real example:

In Hiran region, where security changes are frequent, a small group of different communities can use the DDS system to collectively manage water and grazing land use, through shared decision-making rather than being a source of conflict. This is a simple, but important, example of how direct democracy can help stabilize low-level security.

Expected results:

Reducing the feeling of marginalization among young people, which gradually reduces their tendency towards extremism.
Growing public trust in the information provided, while protecting against the spread of falsehoods.
Reducing tribal conflicts arising from resource disputes, through collective decision-making structures.

4.3 Economic Program

The Somali economy requires a two-pronged transformation: strengthening the development of agriculture, livestock, and fisheries (the basis of the existing economy), and opening up new economic sectors (ocean fishing, solar energy, digital economy) to reduce dependence on livestock exports and remittances.

Steps to complete:

Creating NTCO-based agricultural and livestock associations, where farmers collectively share equipment (vessels, water tanks, fruit storage), using power-sharing points to determine distribution.
Developing marine fisheries — Somalia has the longest coastline in Africa (over 3,300 km), but marine fisheries are still underdeveloped. Small groups of fishermen have access to equipment, training, and market linkages, with ownership of boats and equipment under the NTCO system.
Solar energy — Somalia has the highest solar penetration rate in the world, but solar energy is still underutilized. Small groups in villages can receive assistance to build collective energy systems, with ownership remaining with NTCO.
Managing remittances to transform them into tangible investments — small groups of families, as NTCO shareholders, can create a community investment fund, rather than having remittances taken out privately for everyday use.

Real example:

Twenty families in Beledweyne district, working together as a 25-member group, are setting up an NTCO investment fund, which consists of a small monthly contribution from remittances received from relatives abroad. The fund invests in farming equipment, water, and drought-resilient seeds, with each person owning one non-transferable share.

Expected results:

Growth in income for families and communities, without relying solely on international aid or remittances.
Reducing the impact of drought, through risk sharing and flexible farming systems.
Opening up new economic sectors (ocean fishing, solar energy), creating new jobs for young people.

4.4 Financial Program

Although Somalia has reached the HIPC 2023 completion level, it still needs an honest, accountable and corruption-free fiscal management. The DDS fiscal program does not replace the national financial system (Central Bank of Somalia, national taxes), but creates a participatory system at the grassroots level.

Steps to complete:

Survey and publish neutral data, prepared by ddsAI, on how international aid, tax revenues, and HIPC debt relief are distributed across different regions—so that the public can easily track them.
Creating community investment funds based on NTCO, managed at the small group level, instead of all investments being tied to remote government centers.
Implementing a grassroots accounting system, where small groups regularly report to the public on how funds have been managed.

Real example:

The Somali community in Minneapolis, USA, could create an NTCO fund to invest in development projects in the Hiran region, based on real accounts available online, instead of sending money without checking how it ended up.

Expected results:

Growth in public and diaspora trust in public financial management.
Reducing the risk of corruption, by conducting accounting at a low and verifiable level.
Substantial investment that is not dependent on the speed or experience of international institutions.

4.5 Community Programs — Education, Health, Women, and Refugees

The humanitarian situation in Somalia described in Section 2.4 requires an urgent solution that does not depend solely on the constant flow of international aid. The DDS provides a sustainable, grassroots community-based framework that helps mitigate the impact of disasters.

4.5.1 Education

Creating small groups of parents and teachers to keep children in school during times of drought and hunger, with NTCO funds being given to the poorest families so that their children do not drop out of school.
Using ddsAI to deliver distance learning to children living in Al-Shabaab-controlled territories, or in areas without regular schools.

4.5.2 Health

Small groups within neighborhoods and villages directly manage small nutrition centers, which are completed together, to mitigate the impact of the closure of larger health centers.
Early warning of diseases such as cholera, through rapid notification provided by ddsAI to vulnerable groups.

4.5.3 Women and Gender Equality

Ensuring that the empowerment system directly supports women's participation at all levels of decision-making, without being tied to cultural norms that exclude women from having a say in society.
Using a three-digit ID number so that women can voice their ideas and problems without fear of social reprisal.

4.5.4 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and Host Communities

Small groups of mixed indigenous people and refugees, to prevent resource conflicts and to create a joint structure for managing aid.
NTCO funding for the reconstruction of homes and livelihoods of displaced people, with the share being in the collective community group, which cannot be transferred to specific individuals.

Expected results:

Reducing even one child dropping out of school due to hunger, through continued NTCO support.
Early detection of infectious diseases, which reduces the risk of disease outbreaks (such as cholera) during droughts.
The growth of women's empowerment in social decision-making, which is gradually changing traditions that do not give women equal rights.

4.6 Somaliland, Puntland, and Unity — A Shared Framework

As explained in 2.5, DDS does not take any political side on the question of Somaliland or the FGS-Jubbaland conflict. Instead, DDS provides a single, uniform framework—small groups, NTCO, ddsAI—that can be applied equally to residents of Hargeisa, Garowe, Kismayo, Baidoa, Mogadishu, and the diaspora. Any Somali, without having to decide on their political views in advance, can join the small groups.

Steps to complete:

The launch of small groups in Somaliland, which can be specifically applied to decision-making at the grassroots level, without the need to wait for political change.
Connecting small groups in Somaliland, Puntland, and all federal states and Mogadishu into one NTCO/GUMI-SV network, creating cultural and economic ties that are not tied to the political situation.
Using ddsAI to provide diverse communities with verified information about the political situation, without biasing towards any side in the conflicts.

Expected results:

Building lasting socio-economic ties between the various Somali communities, without the need for a comprehensive political solution first.
Reducing tensions over political conflicts, by providing the public with another way to connect.
Preparing a democratic foundation so that, once a lasting political solution is reached through FGS-FMS-Somaliland mediation, there is already a society with a solid democratic experience.

SECTION 5 — IMPLEMENTATION: TIMELINE, RESULTS, AND CONCLUSIONS

5.1 Implementation Timeline — Different Levels

The implementation of the DDS system in Somalia is not dependent on waiting for a national political solution. It can start from the ground up, right now, and gradually scale up. The table below presents four levels of implementation:

Level	Time	What to Do
Level 1 — Beginner	Months 1–6	Initiating small pilot groups (1–5 members) in selected neighborhoods/villages, training human bridges (ponti umani), and implementing ddsAI at a grassroots level.
Level 2 — Growth	6–18 months	Linking small groups (25→125 members), launching NTCO investment funds, and launching pilot agriculture/fishery programs.
Level 3 — Widespread	Year 2–3	Expansion of the network to all regions (FGS, federal governments, Somaliland) and the diaspora, full implementation of allddsAI, and global GUMI-SV connectivity.
Level 4 — Stability	Year 3+	The system has reached 625+ member groups, sustainable NTCO funds, and a fully stable grassroots democratic structure.

Each level builds on the previous level, and does not require government approval, national elections, or a comprehensive political solution. This is the main difference between DDS and other development systems that rely on governments or international institutions.

5.2 Expected Results and Overall Benefits

If the DDS system were fully implemented in Somalia, the expected outcomes—based on similar experiences in other countries, and common sense analysis—could be as follows:

Politics and Governance:

The public will experience a continuous, direct, grassroots democracy, independent of the four-yearly national elections.
Reducing the power held by a small political group, with decisions gradually moving to the grassroots.

Security:

Reducing the economic causes of extremism, by providing youth with sustainable economic opportunities.
More trust in information, while guarding against the spread of falsehoods.

Economy and Finance:

Growth in household income, without relying 100% on international aid that is constantly falling apart.
Opening up new economic sectors (ocean fishing, solar energy), creating jobs for young people.
Honest financial management at a low level, reducing the risk of corruption.

Community:

Reducing even one child out of school, and child malnutrition, through continued NTCO support.
Increased participation of women and marginalized groups in social decision-making.
Reducing the impact of disasters (drought, displacement) through a joint framework.

It is important to note that these results are not an overnight promise; they require time, effort, and sustained engagement by the Somali community. The DDS does not claim to be a quick fix for all of Somalia’s problems — that would be a lie. It claims to be a feasible, common sense framework that can pave the way for a lasting solution with a quick start.

5.3 Protection of Culture, Religion, and Diversity

DDS clearly affirms that this system was never designed to change or create Somali culture, Islam, the Somali language, or clan structures. Rather, DDS seeks to be an additional tool that the community can use to build direct power, while continuing to respect their customs, traditions, and religions.

Respect for the Islamic religion, which is the foundation of Somali social life and the country's general values.
Protecting the Somali language as the official language of all DDS activities in Somalia, through human bridges (ponti umani).
Respect for tribes, communities, and ancient traditions, not used to divide people, but used to build connections between small groups.
Protecting the rights of political opponents, minority groups (such as the Jareer/Bantu community), and religious minorities, while providing all with equal rights to participate in minority groups.

5.4 Conclusion

Somalia stands at a historic crossroads today. A constitutional crisis between the Federal Government and the federal states, a security struggle fueled by Al-Shabaab, and a severe humanitarian disaster brought on by drought, all mean that the Somali people need a new solution, one that does not rely solely on elections at the centers of power, or on constantly fluctuating international aid.

DDS, based on common sense, facts, truth, knowledge, and mutual respect, provides a verifiable, rapid, and peaceful framework that is not contingent on waiting for constitutional change, national elections, or a comprehensive resolution of political disputes. Small groups, NTCO, shared leadership, points system, three-digit identification, ddsAI, allddsAI, ponti umani, and GUMI-SV — all are interconnected components designed to ensure that the Somali people always have the ownership of their country and the power to determine their future.

The country's assets and the decision of its future will always remain with the Somali people alone—and no other group, nation, or international organization has the right to take power from them.

DDS is ready to work with all Somalis — politicians, farmers, fishermen, youth, women, refugees, and diaspora communities — without requiring them to first accept a particular political ideology, but rather to somehow believe that common sense, truth, and mutual respect are an effective foundation for building a secure, independent Somali future, where its people live in dignity and peace.